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birthday. However, the high proportion of births to single mothers, with one in six (16%) babies
born outside a union, raises the likelihood of a child experiencing life with a lone parent to levels
similar to those in the other provinces.
This evolution is all the more important because the pathway into a lone-parent family is
strongly linked to the type of lifestyle a child is likely to have during the episode. Children in
lone mother families created after separation or divorce, for instance, enjoy a higher standard of
living, on average, than children born to a young single mother (Peron et al. 1999). This has
obvious social policy implications, with a higher proportion of lone-parent families in need of
financial assistance in some provinces than in others.
With no father present, many single mothers have to assume full responsibility for their baby’s
physical and economic support. When couples separate, on the other hand, these responsibilities
have to be renegotiated, with arrangements generally recorded in the form of custody and child
support agreements. One problem, raised earlier, is that the published divorce statistics do not
make it possible to follow the evolution of children’s living arrangements following separation.
Recently, in the Child-Centred Family Justice Policy, the Department of Justice suggested
replacing the terms “custody” and “access” with a new model based on parental responsibilities,
with both parents responsible for their children’s well-being after separation or divorce.
Arrangements made by parents at separation would include a residential schedule setting out the
time spent by children with each parent, on the one hand, and decision-making responsibilities
related to children’s health, education and other matters, on the other. Clarifying the different
elements of children’s care after separation, and recording decisions related to a child’s physical
as well as legal custody, could go a long way towards improving current information on the way
custody and living arrangements are evolving.
Sharing physical custody at separation is growing in popularity, despite certain obvious
drawbacks of this type of arrangement. Even though it seems to be a difficult arrangement to
maintain over time and often transforms into sole custody, sharing custody for a period after
separation appears to lay the basis for children’s continued long-term involvement with both
parents. It may be an important step in the transition towards a secure relationship with a non-
resident parent, giving parents and children alike the time to develop new and secure foundations
for their relationship. However, not only does this arrangement require a high degree of
cooperation between separated parents, the additional cost in having two family homes puts it
beyond the means of many, and the need for geographic proximity makes it unworkable for
others. With research in the United States suggesting that non-resident parents remain more
involved with their children if “legal” custody is shared (Seltzer 1991, 1998), in cases where
parents are unable to share the residential responsibility for their children, each parent having
responsibility over other aspects of the child’s life could have a positive effect.
Although problems with the questionnaire limited the scope of the analyses, the new questions
about custody and child support, added at Cycle 3, provide some important insights into the
separation process at the end of the 1990s. One issue currently under debate is whether children
should be given more of a voice in decisions made about their future at divorce proceedings.
Courts are wary of exposing children to conflict between parents, or of asking children to
“choose” between their parents. Nevertheless, the analysis in this report shows that the majority
of children over the age of seven or eight years are consulted by their separating parents,