Medievalista, 29

Medievalista

Online

29 | 2021

Número29

Re-Studying and De-Coding the Parable of the Futile Life in the

Novel Barlaam and Josaphat (Medieval Greek Version)

Chased by a Unicorn

Perseguido por um Unicórnio. Re-Vendo e Des-Codificando a Parábola da Vida

Fútil no Romance Barlaão e Josafat (Versão Grega Medieval)

GeorgiosOrfanidis

Ediçãoelectrónica

URL: https://journals.openedition.org/medievalista/3896

DOI: 10.4000/medievalista.3896

ISSN: 1646-740X

Editora

Instituto de Estudos Medievais - FCSH-UNL

Ediçãoimpressa

Paginação: 183-209

Refêrenciaeletrónica

Georgios Orfanidis, «Chased by a Unicorn», Medievalista [Online], 29 | 2021, posto online no dia 01

janeiro 2021, consultado o 12 junho 2021. URL: http://journals.openedition.org/medievalista/3896 ;

DOI: https://doi.org/10.4000/medievalista.3896

Este documento foi criado de forma automática no dia 12 June 2021.

Mediavalista está licenciado com uma Licença Creative Commons - Atribuição-NãoComercial 4.0

Internacional.

Re-Studying and De-Coding the Parable of the Futile Life in the

Novel Barlaam and Josaphat (Medieval Greek Version)

Chased by a Unicorn

Perseguido por um Unicórnio. Re-Vendo e Des-Codificando a Parábola da Vida

Fútil no Romance Barlaão e Josafat (Versão Grega Medieval)

Georgios Orfanidis

NOTA DO EDITOR

Data recepção do artigo / Received for publication: 13 de Dezembro de 2019

Data aceitação do artigo / Accepted in revised form: 23 de Setembro de 2020

1. Barlaam and Josaphat: A Christian Tale

Barlaam and Josaphat (Latin: Barlamus et Iosaphatus), who were Early worshiped as

Christian saints, are the protagonists of the homonymous hagiographic novel, which

was very popular in the Medieval Byzantine. The novel was probably inspired by the

biography of the world-renowned religious figure of Siddhārtha Gautama (Buddha),

titled Life of Bodhisattva

The plot of the story unfolds through a series of varied events, essentially of a

philosophical and didactic nature, on the second level of reading. More specifically, a

king in India (the “Inner Land” according to the Ethiopians) was casting out the

Christian community who lived in his realm. When the astrologers predicted that the

king’s son, Josaphat, would someday abandon his family's faith and turn to the

Christian worldview and ideology, he imprisoned the young prince, who, despite the

harsh conditions which he found himself in, met the hermit-saint Barlaam and formally

embraced the Christian ideals. However, after much pressure and a great personal

battle with many, both external and internal (psychological) trials, the king accepted

the Christian religion himself, thus allowing Josaphat to claim succession to the throne.

The repentant king abandoned his royal office and moved to the desert, devoting

himself totally to the new God. In the end, Josaphat himself relinquished his previous

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way of existence and followed the underprivileged life of isolation alongside his

mentor, Barlaam. Thereafter, Josaphat became an advocate of the Christian faith as a

missionary in the geographical area covering his former kingdom which he had been

expected before to rule.

In fact, the personal tale of Bodhisattva has led to the flourishing of many publications/

versions in several languages spoken generally during the first millennium A.D. across

the Indo-Persian backdrop. This fabula has been derived from a text of Mahāyāna

Buddhism in the Sanskrit language dating from the 2

to the 4

century AD via a

Manichaean version, which later found fertile ground in the Arabic-speaking Muslim

culture, centering around the city of Baghdad, in the form of a widespread literary text

dating back to the 8

century, entitled Kitāb Bilawhar wa-Yūdāsaf/Būd̲h̲āsaf (The Book of

Bilawhar and Yūdāsaf/Būd̲h̲āsaf)

It was translated into Old Georgian in the 9

or 10

century with the title Balahvaris

Sibrdzne (Balavariani) (meaning Wisdom of Balahvari), and it resulted in the creation of

the Christianized version of the original text

. This Christian version was then

translated into Greek in the 10

or 11

century, not by the erudite John of Damascus

(675/676-749), as it was previously believed

, but by the son of the Georgian nobleman

and thereafter monk Ioane Varaz-vache Chordvaneli, the nephew of the great Tornike

Eristavi, Euthymius the Hagiorite, Athonite or Iberian (955-1028), Abbot of the Iviron

Monastery of Mount Athos, just before he died in an accident while visiting

Constantinople in 1028. It was subsequently translated into Latin in the mid-11

century

. The Greek adaptation was translated into Latin during the mid-11

century

(1048), being published in Western Europe under the name Barlamus et Iosaphatus. This

version in Latin facilitated the entry of this multi-influenced culturally legendary story

in the Romance languages (e.g. by Otto II of Freising, Laubacher Barlaam, c. 1220; Rudolf

von Ems, Barlaam und Josaphat, 13

century; Jacques de Voragine, La Légende Dorée, 13

century)

2. The Futile Life

One of the most interesting parables of the novel, on the one hand, due to the plethora

of ancient symbols it contains (e.g. The Tree of Life and beasts from the ancient

mythological tradition of the Eastern Mediterranean and the Middle East), and, on the

other hand, because of the particular hortatory content resulting from the semiotic and

pragmatic interpretation of the above-mentioned symbols, is the didactic narrative

titled The Sweetness of the World (medieval Greek: Τοῦ Κόσμου ἡ Γλυκύτης ), or more

commonly, The Futile Life (medieval Greek: Ὁ Μάταιος Βίος)

Τhe Armenian art historian Sirarpie Der Nersessian, who studied this story in detail

reports in her book L' illustration du roman de Barlaam et Joasaph (1937) that only

eleven manuscripts illustrate the novel; three Greek, two Russian, and three Arabic

ones, while the illustration of the parable of The Futile Life is found in eight of them

The codices are the following:

1. Jerusalem 42 (fol. 77) (11

century)

2. Codex Ioannina-Cambridge (fol. 54) (12

century)

3. Cambridge King’s College 338 (fol. 41v) (10

century, 976)

4. Paris. gr. 1128 (fol. 68) (10

century, 976)

5. Leningrad 71 (first quarter of the 17

century)

, and

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. Vaticanus arabe 692 (Assemani 88) (fol. 42) (15

), 6

. Paris arabe 273 (Suppl. 110) (fol.

42) (1497), 6

. Paris arabe 274 (Suppl. 113) (fol. 55) (1494)

At this point, it is worth adding a twelfth manuscript in the same list, Paris gr. 36 (fol.

303v) (14

century). A man sitting on a tree and tasting some fruit is depicted in the

center of the composition. Around him, we recognize a unicorn, five dragons and other

animals and beasts, which symbolize brevity, insecurity, futility, and, ultimately, the

transient nature of life on earth

In addition, this narrative is illustrated at least in three more manuscripts, which

belong to the category of specific sacred texts of liturgical use, the psalteries:

1. Psalter of London 19352 (fol. 182) (1066, Monastery of Stoudios/Monastery of Saint

John the Forerunner at Stoudios), where the scene also illustrates Psalm CXLVI

(144.4)

2. Barberini (Vat. gr. 372) (fol. 231v), where the scene also illustrates Psalm CXLVI

(144.4)

, and

3. A Russian manuscript, the Psalter of Kiev or, alternatively, Psalter of Spryridonos

(Leningrad/St Petersburg State Public Library “Saltykov-Shchedrin”) (fol. 6) (Moscow

or Kiev, 1397), where the psalm itself is illustrated (here numbered as CXLIII/143,3-4)

In other words, there is a second category of manuscripts, where this parable is chosen

consistently and used individually to illustrate the Psalm of David, 143.3-4:

“[3] For the enemy hath persecuted my soul; he hath smitten my life down to the

ground; he hath made me to dwell in darkness, as those that have been long dead.

[4] Therefore is my spirit overwhelmed within me; my heart within me is desolate”.

At the same time, it is worth mentioning that the lost miniature Codex 43 of the Holy

Monastery of Iviron (fol. 135) in Mount Athos illustrates the novel Barlaam and Josaphat,

which probably was identified with the collection of the Codex Cambridge-King’s

College

3. Unicorn: A Τwo-Sided Coin. From the Ancient World to the Parable of the Futile

Life

Reading the parable, one observes the existence of an ensemble of ancient symbols

imbued with the Christian ideal, which can be further interpreted, especially when they

decorate pages of sacred and liturgical texts, like the above, and/or the interior walls/

mural sections of Byzantine and Post-Byzantine churches. However, the above

parabolic story appears neither in the written texts nor in the various iconographical

models in its full form, meaning with all the above-mentioned symbols.

Nevertheless, before proposing a comprehensive interpretation for the full version of

the above parable, it is worthwhile to make a special reference to the symbol of the

unicorn, namely to an emblematic figure, apparently, with pagan origins, the potential

of which exceeded the spiritual boundaries of the ancient world, imbued very early in

the Christian tradition, often replacing even contradictory intra-religious concepts.

Firstly, the unicorn is a mythical creature, which has been described since the (Pre)

Historic cultures of the Fertile Crescent, and also since the Graeco-Roman Antiquity as

a beast, impossible to be captured by humans, usually taking the form of a horse

(sometimes of a wild bull, a goat, an ox, or even a rhino, especially in Africa – vd.

primary sources below) with a characteristic large, pointed, spiral horn protruding

from its forehead, giving the creature an impressive beauty. References of it are found,

inter alia, in the following ancient writers:

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Ctesias (4

century B.C.), Indica [summary from Saint Photius I, Patriarch of

Constantinople, 9

century, The Library/Biblioteca/Myriobiblon, 72]:

“In India there are wild asses [i.e. the Monokerata (Unicorns)] large as horses, or

even larger. Their body is white, their head dark red, their eyes bluish, and they

have a horn in their forehead about a cubit in length. The lower part of the horn,

for about two palms distance from the forehead, is quite white, the middle is black,

the upper part, which terminates in a point, is a very flaming red. Those who drink

out of cups made from it are proof against convulsions, epilepsy, and even poison,

provided that before or after having taken it they drink some wine or water or

other liquid out of these cups. The domestic and wild asses of other countries and

all other solid-hoofed animals have neither huckle-bones nor gall-bladder, whereas

the Indian asses have both. Their huckle-bone is the most beautiful that I have seen,

like that of the ox in size and appearance; it is as heavy as lead and of the color of

cinnabar all through. These animals are very strong and swift; neither the horse

nor any other animal can overtake them. At first, they run slowly, but the longer

they run their pace increases wonderfully, and becomes faster and faster. There is

only one way of catching them. When they take their young to feed, if they are

surrounded by a large number of horsemen, being unwilling to abandon their foals,

they show fight, but with their horns, kick, bite, and kill many men and horses.

They are at last taken, after they have been pierced with arrows and spears; for it is

impossible to capture them alive. Their flesh is too bitter to eat, and they are only

hunted for the sake of the horns and huckle-bones”

Strabo (1

century B.C. – 1

century A.D.), Geographica (15.1.56)

“Now these customs are very novel as compared with our own, but the following

are still more so. For example, Megasthenes says that the men who inhabit the

Caucasus have intercourse with the women in the open and that they eat the bodies

of their kinsmen; and that the monkeys are stone-rollers, and, haunting precipices,

roll stones down upon their pursuers; and that most of the animals which are tame

in our country are wild in theirs. And he mentions horses with one horn and the

head of a deer; and reeds, some straight up thirty fathoms in length, and others

lying flat on the ground fifty fathoms, and so large that some are three cubits and

others six in diameter”

Pliny the Elder (1

century A.D.), Natural History (8.31)

“But that the fiercest animal is the Monocerotem (Unicorn), which in the rest of the

body resembles a horse, but in the head a stag, in the feet an elephant, and in the

tail a boar, and has a deep bellow, and a single black horn three feet long projecting

from the middle of the forehead. They say that it is impossible to capture this

animal alive”

Philostratus (1

– 2

century A.D.), Life of Apollonius of Tyana (3.2)

“And they say that wild asses are also to be captured in these marshes [of the Indian

River Hydroates], and these creatures have a horn upon the forehead [Onoi

Monokerata (Unicorns)], with which they butt like a bull and make a noble fight of it;

the Indians make this horn into a cup, for they declare that no one can ever fall sick

on the day on which he has drunk out of it, nor will anyone who has done so be the

worse for being wounded, and he will be able to pass through fire unscathed, and he

is even immune from poisonous draughts which others would drink to their harm.

Accordingly, this goblet is reserved for kings, and the king alone may indulge in the

chase of this creature.

And Apollonios says that he saw this animal, and admired its natural features; but

when Damis asked him if he believed the story about the goblet, he answered : ‘I

will believe it, if I find the king of the Indians hereabout to be immortal; for surely a

man who can offer me or anyone else a draught potent against disease and so

wholesome, he not be much more likely to imbibe it himself, and take a drink out of

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this horn every day even at the risk of intoxication? For no one, I conceive, would

blame him for exceeding in such cups”

Aelian (2

century A.D.), On Animals (3.41 and 4.52)

“India produces Hippoi Monokerata (one-horned horses), they say, and the same

country fosters Onoi Monokerata (one-horned asses). And from these horns they

make drinking-vessels, and if anyone puts a deadly poison in them and a man

drinks, the plot will do him no harm. For it seems that the horn both of the horse

and of the ass is an antidote to the poison.

I have learned that in India are born Wild Asses (Onoi) as big as horses [i.e. the

Monokerata (Unicorns)]. All their body is white except for the head, which

approaches purple, while their eyes give off a dark blue colour. They have a horn on

their forehead as much as a cubit and half long; the lower part of the horn is white,

the upper part is crimson, while the middle is jet-black. From these variegated

horns, I am told, the Indians drink, but not all, only the most eminent Indians, and

round them at intervals they lay rings of gold, as though they were decorating a

beautiful arm of a statue with bracelets. And they say that a man who has drunk

from this horn knows not, and is free from, incurable diseases: he will never be

seized with convulsions nor with the sacred sickness (epilepsy), as it is called, nor

be destroyed by poisons. Moreover, if he had previously drunk some deadly stuff,

he vomits it up and is restored to health.

It is believed that Asses, both the tame and the wild kind, all the world over and all

other beasts with uncloven hoofs are without knucklebones and without gall in the

liver; whereas those horned Asses of India, Ktesias (Ctesias) says, have

knucklebones and are not without gall. Their knucklebones are said to be black, and

if ground down are black inside as well. And these animals are far swifter than any

ass or even than any horse or any deer. They begin to run, it is true at a gentle pace,

but gradually gather strength until to pursue them is, in the language of poetry, to

chase the unattainable.

When the dam gives birth and leads her new-born colts about, the sires herd with,

and look after, them. And these Asses frequent the most desolate plains in India. So

when the Indians go to hunt them, the Asses allow their colts, still tender and

young, to pasture in their rear, while they themselves fight on their behalf and join

battle with the horsemen and strike them with their horns. Now the strength of

these horns is such that nothing can withstand their blows, but everything gives

way and snaps or, it may be, is shattered and rendered useless. They have in the

past even struck at the ribs of a horse, ripped it open, and disembowelled it. For

that reason, the horsemen dread coming to close quarters with them, since the

penalty for so doing is a most lamentable death, and both they and their horses are

killed. They can kick fearfully too. Moreover, their bite goes so deep that they tear

away everything that they have grasped. A full-grown Ass one would never capture

alive: they are shot with javelins and arrows, and when dead the Indians strip them

of their horns, which, as I said, they decorate. But the flesh of Indian Asses is

uneatable, the reason being that it is naturally exceedingly bitter”

Cosmas Indicopleustes (6

century A.D.), Christian Topography (11.335)

“Cameleopards are found only in Ethiopia. They also are wild creatures and

undomesticated. In the palace one or two that, by command of the King, have been

caught when young, are tamed to make a show for the King's amusement. When

milk or water to drink is set before these creatures in a pan, as is done in the King's

presence, they cannot, by reason of the great length of their legs and the height of

their breast and neck, stoop down to the earth and drink, unless by straddling with

their forelegs. They must therefore, it is plain, in order to drink, stand with their

forelegs wide apart. This animal also I have delineated from my personal knowledge

of it”

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For the origin of the subject of the unicorn, as well as for the mythological tradition

that evolved through the interpretation of the iconography in question, there is an

extensive international bibliography, which seems to focus mainly on the western

evolution of the myth, sporadically referring to the corresponding east, almost always

insisting on issues of historical and artistic interest, but forgetting to offer observations

on the cultural anthropology of religions

Of course, we can mention the numerous references to unicorns in various passages of

the Old Testament of the Hebrew Bible that provoke a historical, religious, and, in general,

sociological-ethical interest, consistent to some extent with the interpretative analysis

of the present research. More specifically, an animal called the re’em (also: reem,

Hebrew: רְאֵם ), translated as a unicorn or a wild ox, is mentioned several times (over

eight times) in the Old Testament, often as a metaphor representing steadfast strength,

loyalty and devotion, or even the power of fertility, which constantly renews any

human society, offering blessings to its members, judging by the symbolic dimension of

the horns, which act as duplicates of the cornucopia in a predominantly farming

cultural community. Its appearance seems to resemble the morphological features of

the aurochs (known in Latin as bos primigenius). This view finds support in the ancient

natural and cultural environment of Assyria, where the word rimu comes from, in

order to convey metaphorically the meaning of the physical (possibly spiritual) power,

in the sense of the depiction of a powerful, fierce, wild mountain bull with large

horns

. Ιn Jewish folklore, according to R. Graves and R. Patai (2014) the re’em is

presented to the minds of people as being larger than a mountain, capable of

destroying even the Jordan River with its dung. Indeed, in order to survive during the

period of the Cataclysm, Noah had tied its horns on the Ark, so that its nostrils could

protrude from the marine construction, easing the animal’s breathing. Also, King

David, while still living as a shepherd in the fields, lost the horn from which he was

playing music on a mountain. Walking around, he fell on a re’em, which was sleeping.

Suddenly, the animal began to chase him, until it caught him, lifting him as high as the

sky. Having lost every hope, David prayed to God to save him. Then, a lion passed in

front of the re’em. As the re’em bowed to the animal, King David climbed off but was

threatened, ex novo, by the lion. He prayed again and another animal passed by, so that

the lion hunted it down and left David harmless

The following comparative table of the translated passages referring to the unicorn

form is indicative

Hebrew Bible

New International Version (NIV) King James Version (KJV)

Job 39.9-10: [9] Will the wild ox consent to

serve you? Will it stay by your manger at

night? [10] Can you hold it to the furrow with

a harness? Will it till the valleys behind you?

Job 39.9-10: [9] Will the unicorn be willing to

serve thee, or abide by thy crib? [10] Canst thou

bind the unicorn with his band in the furrow?

or will he harrow the valleys after thee?

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Deuteronomy 33.17: [17] In majesty he is like

a firstborn bull: his horns are the horns of a

wild ox. With them he will gore the nations,

even those at the ends of the earth. Such are

the ten thousands of Ephraim; such are the

thousands of Manasseh.

Deuteronomy 33.17: [17] His glory is like the

firstling of his bullock, and his horns are like

the horns of unicorns: with them he shall push

the people together to the ends of the earth:

and they are the ten thousands of Ephraim, and

they are the thousands of Manasseh.

Numbers 23.22: [22] God brought them out of

Egypt: they have the strength of a wild ox.

Numbers 23.22: [22] God brought them out of

Egypt: he hath as it were the strength of an

unicorn.

Numbers 24.8: [8] God brought them out of

Egypt: they have the strength of a wild ox.

They devour hostile nations and break their

bones in pieces: with their arrows they

pierce them.

Numbers 24.8: [8] God brought him forth out of

Egypt; he hath as it were the strength of an

unicorn: he shall eat up the nations his enemies,

and shall break their bones, and pierce them

through with his arrows.

Psalms of David 22.21: [21] Rescue me from

the mouth of the lions: save me from the

horns of the wild oxen.

Psalms of David 22.21: [21] Save me from the

lion's mouth: for thou hast heard me from the

horns of the unicorns.

Psalms of David 29.6: [6] He makes Lebanon

leap like a calf, Sirion like a young wild ox.

Psalms of David 29.6: [6] 6 He makes them also

to skip like a calf: Lebanon and Sirion like a

young unicorn.

Psalms of David 92.10: [10] You have exalted

my horn like that of a wild ox: fine oils have

been poured on me.

Psalms of David 92.10: [10] But my horn shalt

thou exalt like the horn of an unicorn: I shall be

anointed with fresh oil.

Isaiah 34.7: [7] And the wild oxen will fall

with them, the bull calves and the great

bulls. Their land will be drenched with blood,

and the dust will be soaked with fat.

Isaiah 34.7: [7] And the unicorns shall come

down with them, and the bullocks with the

bulls: and their land shall be soaked with blood,

and their dust made fat with fatness.

Returning, then, to the parable of the Futile Life, it is observed that the narrative,

including the figure of the unicorn, with any slight variations and in the most complete

form, unfolds as follows; encompassing a multitude of core values of the early and

middle Christianity, focusing initially on the symbol of the unicorn, and subsequently

on the so-called “Tree of Life”.

A man was hunted by a fierce unicorn. The figure of the unicorn has conveyed, over

time, a variety of primitive ideas/concepts, even contradictory at points, depending on

the circumstances (e.g. virginity, purity, health, death, good, evil), on a symbolic level.

In summary, it is stated that in Christian ideology the unicorn is usually a symbol of

purity and it symbolizes Christ, but its presentation/depiction is not so widely spread

Symbols of the unicorn are found in the works of the Fathers of the Eastern and

Western Churches, in the same interpretative light, indicatively as follows:

Saint John Chrysostom (3

-4

centuries): Comments to the Psalm of David 91 (P. Migne,

P.G., 763-764),

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Saint Basil the Great (4

century): Sermon about the Psalm of David 28 (P. Migne, P.G.,

30.80, par. 5), and

Saint Isidore of Seville (6

-7

centuries): Etymologiae (P. Migne, P.L., LXXXII, 435).

Moreover, in Codex 61 of Pantokratoros Monastery, in Mount Athos, which contains

one hundred and fifty Psalms and nine Odes of David (with philological errors and

other omissions), in fol. 109v is found a miniature of 6 x 6.5 cm, with a rare depiction of

the Virgin dressed as a noblewoman, with a diadem and a red looming robe,

breastfeeding a unicorn shaped as a goat, a long wavy blue horn in its head, similar to

the illustrated unicorn of Middle-Byzantine Codex 48 of the Evangelical School of

Smyrna (fol.75b) (11

century)

. The performance is accompanied by the inscription:

“Περί τοῦ υἱοῦ το(ῦ) Θ(εο)ῦ καθώς ἐθήλασεν τὴν Παναγίαν Θεοτόκον” (English

translation: “About the Son of God, while he’s breastfed by Virgin Mary/Panagía

Theotóko”), a fact which proves that the unicorn in Christian thought can be

allegorically linked to the Birth of Christ

. In another manuscript, the Codex 4 of

Dionysiou Monasteri, also in Mount Athos, which contains the “Four Gospels”, the

“Letter to Carpian” and “Rules (Canons) of Correspondence by Eusebius of Caesarea”,

depicted a goat-like blue unicorn, torn and chained (fol. 9v)

Emphasis is also given to the concept of virginity in the 36

Chapter of the Physiologus

– a didactic Christian text either written or compiled in Greek by an unknown author

and traditionally dated to the 2

century A.D. – which is wholly devoted to the

description of the unicorn. There, it is stated that if a virgin sits alone in the woods the

unicorn will approach her and rest its head on her feet, apparently enchanted by the

virgin’s beauty and purity of soul

Nevertheless, if the unicorn in Christian art symbolizes virginity, chastity, goodness,

and generally any good-beneficial meaning that can be associated with the incarnation

of the Word (Med. Greek: “Λόγος”) of God, that is, Jesus Christ, then why, at the same

time, concepts of confrontational character, such as evil, threat, and ineluctable death,

are sometimes mingled in the presentation of the animal? The answer lies in the story

of the parable of the Futile Life, of which the interpretation of the continued narrative

leads to philosophical-theological conclusions

In his attempt to escape, the man hunted by the fierce unicorn fell into a deep ravine

(Med. Greek: “βόθρος”), symbolizing the vicious world where people live, act and meet

physical death. This man, motivated by a burning inner passion for conquering the

rare/different, the strangely beautiful which, in other words, is not regularly found

among the animate and inanimate beings of the real worldwide, has probably tried to

capture and tame the unicorn, in order to satisfy a vain (strange to Christian virtue)

ambition. Now the unicorn is acting in thought as a weapon/bait of the enemies of the

Christian faith, who are trying in every way to deceive man, cut off from his journey to

seek and conquer superior spiritual ideas, such as temperance and prayer. As the man

allows for this spiritual deterioration, his course is set in a series of loose passages,

which transform his own life into a dead end, a futile life.

During his fall, however, the man managed to get caught from the branches of a tree,

which reflects the eternal paradise and sustainable Tree of Life, while supporting his

legs on a base, in the passage between life and death

. Then, he looked carefully at the

tree and noticed that he was about to fall because two mice (one white and the other

black), were roaming his roots repeatedly, day and night. In the depth of the ravine,

ready to swallow the unfortunate man, lurked Hades in the form of a great dragon.

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Also, the base on which he lay consists of four poisonous snakes/vipers/echidnae,

(Med. Greek: “ἔχιδναι”, “ἀσπίδαι”), which symbolize the unstable composition of the

body (Med. Greek: “ἐπί τεσσάρων σφαλερῶν καί ἀστάτων στοιχείων”). As he looked up

desperately, he saw that some of the branches of the tree dripped a little honey, which

in this case refers to an allegorical symbol of terrestrial pleasure (Med. Greek: “τῶν τοῦ

κόσμου ἠδέων”). Consequently, man becomes dependent on the hedonistic indulgences

(Med. Greek: “τῆς ἡδύτητος ἐκκρεμής”). Though he had already realized that death was

inevitably approaching, ignoring at the same time all the misery of the environment,

even the perishable and finite background of his human existence, he began to eat with

pleasure the honey flowing from the branches.

The version with the unicorn seems to be not the most common one – perhaps because

of the strong (but, at the same time, ambiguous for the Christian culture) symbolism

that the presence of this ancient mythical creature hides – in the wall painting, of the

post-Byzantine period, including the iconographic example from the temple of Saint

Demetrios in the coastal city of Thessaloniki. In fact, the iconographical examples of

frescoes are few. Two general features can be identified: a) these frescoes date back to

the Post-Byzantine period (especially between the period between the 15

and the 18

century), and b) their matter is the Tree of Life, whereas the unicorn image is usually

missing. Additionally, most of them are also missing the dragon. The Tree of Life is an

iconography often depicted in Post-Byzantine painting, especially in the narthexes of

churches

. Nevertheless, these frescoes, despite the absence of the unicorn, include the

fundamental iconographic elements of the parable, namely the mice that roam the

roots of the Tree, the persecuted man, and the honey dripping. Therefore, there is no

doubt that this theme comes from the novel Barlaam and Josaphat. Other scenes from

the novel are not illustrated in frescoes, except for the Noul Neamț Monastery

(Chițcani Monastery) in Moldova, where the parable of the Futile Life is not illustrated,

but thirty-one other episodes of the Novel, mainly from the life of Josaphat

The oldest of the frescoes illustrating the above parable is found in the temple of Saint

Demetrios in Thessaloniki, at the southern pilaster of the tribelum-portico, at the

western entrance of the narthex (Fig. 1). Today, this fresco is very worn out,

considered almost as destroyed (chipped) and unsavable. Nowadays, it is mainly known

through previous bibliographical references and sketches. It is dated back to 1474-1493.

Also, the colour choices of the artistic composition can only be identified with

difficulty

In this composition, the man on the Tree of Life tastes with pleasure the honey

dripping from the Sky, which is symbolically depicted as a semicircle at the top of the

fresco, where there is, also, the following misspelled inscription: “ἡ γληκήτης” (the

correct form in Med. Greek is: “ἡ γλυκύτης”). The Tree is supported by the dragon’s

mouth, while the personalized “Νight” and “Day” are depicted as snakes/dragons

wrapped around the Tree trunk, suffocating it. Two other small winged dragons/

demonic figures, on both sides of the Tree, which are inscribed “blood” (Med. Greek:

“αίμα”, the right grammar type being “αἷμα”) and “bile” (Med. Greek: “χολή”) are

considered to be new iconographic elements. On the one hand, the scholars Georgios

and Maria Sotiriou (1952), who studied carefully the wall-painting of the temple,

mention that the composition is complemented by the presence of a small animal,

which is identified as a rhino – not as a unicorn – that lurks the roots of the Tree, an

image that has not been saved nevertheless

. On the other hand, Sirarpie Der

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Nersessian states that the unicorn is not depicted

. It is also difficult to distinguish the

upper part of the body of a female figure in a cloak (perhaps the Virgin Mary), which,

on the one hand, is not easily identified, and on the other hand is obviously not related

to any of the narrative plots of the parable.

Finally, it is noted that the same representation is found in some other iconographical

circles, in the wider area of the Moldovlachian region. Thus, it is depicted in the

narthex of the Holy Trinity Church of Cozia Monastery in Romania (15

century) and in

the narthex of the Chapel of Peter and Paul of the same Monastery (15

century),

without the presence of the unicorn in the latter monument, and next to the

representation of Jonah’s parable

. There is also a complete thematic version in the

temple of Saint Marc in Venice, Italy, which is also relevant

Fig. 1 – Unknown, Futile Life (from the novel Barlaam and Josaphat), 1474-1493, oil on fresco, c. 200 x

50 cm. Temple of Saint Demetrios, Thessaloniki, Greece. It is almost destroyed.

(Permission for reproduction obtained by the author, 10/03/2020)

4. Conclusion

In conclusion, it seems that the careful examination of the various examples of

medieval monumental and miniature art provides a significant feedback on the

interpretation of the parable of the Futile Life. At the heart of the new approach, there is

the multifaceted, timelessly and culturally, controversial figure of the unicorn (when it

exists). More specifically, as found through the citation of a variety of Greek, Latin and

Hebrew written sources, on the one hand, the exterior of the unicorn itself may

generally differ – depending on the cultural reference environment – and on the other

hand the importance behind this image takes diametrically opposite semiotic

dimensions, symbolizing anthropologically fundamental concepts, such as goodness,

purity, beauty, or virginity, even Christ himself (e.g. Comments to the Psalm of David 91

by Saint John Chrysostom, Sermon about the Psalm of David 28 by Saint Basil the Great,

Etymologiae of Saint Isidore of Seville, Codex 61 of Pantokratoros Monastery, in Mount

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Athos, Codex 48 of the Evangelical School of Smyrna, Codex 4 of Dionysiou Monasteri,

also, in Mount Athos).

In the case of our study, the parable of the Futile Life highlights, perhaps in the most

dynamic way, the malicious semiotic interpretation of the unicorn, speaking to the

monumental painting of the Post-Byzantine/Medieval Period (e.g. Saint Demetrios in

Thessaloniki, Holy Trinity Church and Chapel of Peter and Paul of the of the Cozia

Monastery in Romania, of Saint Marc in Venice). In fact, this shape of the unicorn,

coloured with negative notions about the human (corporal and spiritual) condition,

functions as part of a wider symbolic pantheon (e.g. cosmic figures, beasts, deep ravine,

blood, bile), where the idea of wickedness prevails in human/earthly life, that is, of the

perishable end that runs through human existence, since its Creation (Tree of Life).

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NOTAS

1. WALBRIDGE, John – The wisdom of the mystic East: Suhrawardi and platonic orientalism. Albany, NY,

USA: State University of New York Press, 2001, pp. 129-130.

2. LANG, David Marshall – “The Life of the Blessed Iodasaph: A New Oriental Christian Version of

the Barlaam and Ioasaph Romance” (Jerusalem, Greek Patriarchal Library: Georgian MS 140).

Bulletin of the School of Oriental and African Studies 20.1/3 (1957), pp. 389-407.

3. LANG, David Marshall – Balavariani: A Tale from the Christian East [Jerusalem Greek Patriarchal

Library: Georgian MS]. Los Angeles, California, USA: California University Press, 1966 [vd.: The

Georgian translation probably served as a basis for the Greek text]; LANG, David Marshall – “St.

Euthymius the Georgian and the Barlaam and Ioasaph Romance”. Bulletin of the School of Oriental

and African Studies, University of London 17/2 (1955), pp. 306-325.

4. RATCLIFFE-WOODWARD, George; MATTINGLY, Harold – Barlaam and Ioasaph (by Saint John

Damascene). Cambridge, Massachusetts, USA: Harvard University Press, 1983· ΠΛΕΞΊΔΑΣ,

Ιωάννης – Βίος Βαρλάαμ και Ιωάσαφ (Αγίου Ιωάννου Δαμασκηνού). Τρίκαλα: Πρότυπες Θεσσαλικές

Εκδόσεις, 2008· ΚΑΖΑΜΙΑ, Μαρία – Μνημειακή Τοπογραφία της Χριστιανικής Θεσσαλονίκης. Οι ναοί

4ος-8ος αι. Θεσσαλονίκη: Εκδόσεις Γράφημα, 2009, p. 316. Also, vd. footnote above.

5. CONYBEARE, Frederick Cornwallis – The Barlaam and Josaphat Legend in the Ancient Georgian and

Armenian Literatures [Analekta Gorgiana 64]. Piscataway, New Jersey, USA: Gorgias Press, 2008.

6. SCHULZ, Siegfried – “Two Christian Saints? The Barlaam and Josaphat Legend”. India

International Centre Quarterly 8/2 (1981), pp. 131-143.

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7. ΠΡΟΒΑΤΆΚΗΣ , Θωμάς – Ο διάβολος εις την βυζαντινήν τέχνην: συμβολή εις την έρευναν της

ορθοδόξου ζωγραφικής και γλυπτικής. Θεσσαλονίκη: Εκδόσεις Ρέκος, 1980, pp. 228-230. About a more

specific description and interpretation of symbols see below.

8. NERSESSIAN, Sirarpie der – L' illustration du roman de Barlaam et Joasaph, v. 1-texte – v. 2-album.

Paris: E. de Boccard, 1937, v. 1, pp. 18-31.

9. NERSESSIAN, Sirarpie der – L' illustration du roman…, v. 2, fig. 24.

10. NERSESSIAN, Sirarpie der – L' illustration du roman…, v. 2, fig. 24.

11. NERSESSIAN, Sirarpie der – L' illustration du roman…, v. 2, pl. XXIII – fig. 87.

12. NERSESSIAN, Sirarpie der – L' illustration du roman…, v. 2, pl. LXVIII – fig. 266-267.

13. NERSESSIAN, Sirapie der – L' illustration du roman…, v. 2, fig. 26 (Samara, priest Athanasios was

the copier of the manuscript).

14. Nersessian, S. Sirarpie der – L' illustration du roman…, v. 1, pp. 29-30 (There are no

photographs).

15. ΠΡΟΒΑΤΆΚΗΣ, Θωμάς – Ο διάβολος εις την βυζαντινήν τέχνην…, fig. 197.

16. NERSESSIAN, Sirarpie der – L'illustration des psautiers grecs du Moyen Age, II: Londres, Add. 19352.

Paris: C. Klincksieck, 1970, pp. 57, 63-66, 69-70, fig. 286

17. NERSESSIAN, Sirarpie der – L'illustration des psautiers grecs…, pp. 63, 69, fig. 332.

18. NERSESSIAN, Sirarpie der – L'illustration des psautiers grecs…, pp. 63 and beyond. Also, vd.:

POPOVA, Olga – La Miniature Russe, XI

- début du XVI

siècle (Editions D'art Aurora: Leningrad,

1975), pl. 29 (et texte). It is also worth mentioning the following: a) Psalter Uglič, which repeats

the structure of the Psalter of London 19352, and b) Serbian Psalter of Monache, which is a variant of

this type ( = ΞΥΓΓΌΠΟΥΛΟΣ, Ανδρέας – Σχεδίασμα ιστορίας της θρησκευτικής ζωγραφικής μετά την

άλωσιν. Αθήναι: H εν Αθήναις Αρχαιολογική Εταιρεία, 1957, p. 72· POPOVA, Olga – La Miniature

Russe…, p. 66).

19. NERSESSIAN, Sirarpie der – L'illustration des psautiers grecs…, p. 63· ΛΑΜΠΡΟΥ, Σπυρίδων –

Κατάλογος των εν ταις βιβλιοθήκαις τον Αγ. Όρους ελληνικών κωδίκων. Cambridge, UK: University

Press, 1895, p. 149· ΠΕΛΕΚΑΝΊΔΗΣ, Στυλιανός – Οι Θησαυροί του Αγίου Όρους, Σειρά Α

Εικονογραφημένα Χειρόγραφα, παραστάσεις – επίτιτλα – αρχικά γράμματα, Μ. Ιβήρων, Μ. Αγίου

Παντελεήμονος, Μ. Εσφιγμένου, Μ. Χιλανδαρίου, τ. Β΄. Αθήναι: Πατριαρχικό Ίδρυμα Πατερικών

Μελετών, Εκδοτική Αθηνών, 1973), pp. 307-324, fig. 53-132.

20. Translated by FREESE, John Henry – The library of Photius. London, UK: Society for

promoting Christian knowledge and New York City, New York, USA: The Macmillan

Company, 1920, p. 95. For more details, vd. LAVERS, Chris – “The Ancients’ One-Horned

Ass: Accuracy and Consistency”. Greek, Roman, and Byzantine Studies 40 (1999), pp.

327-352.

21. Translated by HORACE, Jones Leonard – The geography of Strabo. London, UK:

Heinemann, 1917, p. 152.

22. Translated by RACKHAM, Harris. et alli – Pliny, the Elder. Natural history. Cambridge,

Massachusetts, USA: Harvard University Press, 2014 (revised edition), p. 81.

23. Translated by CONYBEARE, Frederick Cornwallis – The life of Apollonius of Tyana: The

epistles of Apollonius and the treatise of Eusebius. London, Massachusetts, USA: W.

Heidemann, 1912, p. 48.

24. Translated by SCHOLFIELD, Alwyn Faber – Aelian On the Characteristics of Animals.

Cambridge, Massachusetts, USA: Harvard University Press, 1971, p. 49, p. 68.

25. Translated by M’CRINDLE, John Watson – The Christian topography of Cosmas, an

Egyptian monk. New York City, New York, USA: B. Franklin, 1967, p. 105.

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26. Indicatively we can mention: CABROL, Fernard; LECLERCQ, Henri – Dictionnaire d'archeologie

chretienne et de liturgie (DACL), v. IX. Paris: Letouzey et Ane, 1928, entry: “Licorne”, pp. 613-614 (Η.

LECLERCQ, Fernard)· GOWERS, William – “The Classical Rhinoceros”. Antiquity XXIV (1950), pp.

61-71· HUMPHREYS, Humphrey – “The Horn of the Unicorn”. Antiquity XXVII (1953), pp. 15-19·

RÉAU, Louis – Iconographie de l'art chretien, v. 1. Paris: Presses Universitaires de France, 1955, pp.

89-91, 105, 118 & v. 2, 1956, pp. 191-192· KLAUSER, Thomas – Reallexikon fur Antike und Christentum

(RAC): Sachworterbuch zur Auseinandersetzung des Christentums mit der antiken Welt, B. IV. Stuttgart:

Hiersemann, 1959, entry: “Einhorn”, pp. 840-862, mainly, pp. 854-861 (BRANDERBURG, Henri)·

KIRSCHBAUM, Engelbert; BANDMANN, Günter – Lexikon der christlichen Ikonographie, B. 1. Rom:

Herder, 1968, entry: “Einhorn”, pp. 590-593 (VIZΚΕLETY, András)· DEICHMANN, Friedrich

Wilhelm – Ravenna, Hauptstadt des spätantiken Abendlandes. Wiesbaden: F. Steiner, 1969, p. 106·

BOVINI, Giuseppe – Ravenna. Città d'arte. Ravenna: Edizioni A. Longo 1970, p. 108· CHILD, Heather;

COLLES, Dorothy – Christian Symbols, Ancient and Modern: A Handbook for Students. London, UK: G.

Bell and Sons, 1971, pp. 216, 218, 241, where the hidden symbols behind the unicorn figure are

presented in more detail· FARIOLI-CAMPANATI, Raffaella – Pavimenti Musivi di Ravenna

Paleocristiana. Ravenna: Edizioni A. Longo, 1975, pp. 157, 161-162, 213· FARIOLI-CAMPANATI,

Raffaella – Ravenna Romana e Bizantina. Ravenna: Edizioni A. Longo, 1977, pp. 51-55· ALFÖLDI-

ROSENBAUM, Elisabeth; WARD-PERKINS, John – Justinianic Mosaic Pavements in Cyrenaican

Churches. Roma: L'Erma di Bretschneider, 1980, pp. 55, 136, pl. 59· ΣΑΜΠΑΝΊΚΟΥ, Εύη – Η

εικονογράφηση της σκηνής του Μαινόμενου Μονοκέρωτος από το μυθιστόρημα Βαρλαάμ και Ιωασάφ στην

Ελλαδική μεταβυζαντινή τοιχογραφία. Ιωάννινα: Επιστημονικές Επετηρίδες Πανεπιστημίου

Ιωαννίνων, «Δωδώνη», Φιλοσοφική Σχολή, Τμήμα Ιστορίας και Αρχαιολογίας, 1990, pp. 127-157·

RUICKBIE, Leo – The Impossible Zoo: An encyclopedia of fabulous beasts and mythical monsters, entry:

“Licorne”, without numbers on the pages. London, UK: Hachette, 2016.

27. The following works, despite older, are considered to be very important for this theme, since

there are not many specialized references published recently: Singer, Isidore – The Jewish

Encyclopedia. A Descriptive Record of the History, Religion, Literature and Customs of the Jewish People

from the Earliest Tomes to the Present Day, v. XII. New York City, New York, USA and London, UK:

Funk and Wagnalls, 1903, entry: “Unicorn”, p. 344 (HIRSCH, Emil; CASANOWICZ, Immanuel)·

GODBEY, Allen – “The Unicorn in the Old Testament”. The American Journal of Semitic Languages

and Literatures 56/3 (1939), pp. 256-296.

28. GRAVES, Raphael; PATAI, Robert – Hebrew Myths: The Book of Genesis. New York City, New York,

USA: Rosetta Books, 2014, Chapter 7 (unnumbered).

29. Only two translated versions of the Old Testament were selected. Probably, if we chose to

present other official ecclesiastical and university translation collections, we would find

additional references to the unicorn in whatever form. A typical example is the following two

cases of translation: a) Psalm of David 78.69: “[69] And he built his sanctuary as of unicorns, in

the land which he founded for ever” (Douay-Rheims Catholic Bible/DRA. American Edition Version),

and b) Psalm of David 78.69: “[69] And he as a unicorn built his holy place; in the land, which he

founded into worlds. (And he built his holy place like his home in heaven/And he built his holy

place as high as the heavens; and he founded it like the earth, to last forever)” (by John Wycliffe

Bible/WYC).

30. STRZYGOWSKI, Josef – Der Bilderkreis Des Griechischen Physiologus, Des Kosmas Indikopleustes Und

Oktateuch: Nach Handschriften Der Bibliothek Zu Smyrna: Mit 40 Lichtdrucktafeln Und 3 Abbildungen Im

Texte. Groningen: Bouma’s Boekhuis, 1969, pp. 28-29.

31. STRZYGOWSKI, Josef – Der Bilderkreis Des Griechischen Physiologus, Des Kosmas Indikopleustes Und

Oktateuch: Nach Handschriften Der Bibliothek Zu Smyrna…, pl. XII.

32. ΠΡΟΒΑΤΆΚΗΣ , Θωμάς – Ο διάβολος εις την βυζαντινήν τέχνην…, pp. 174-175. The English

translation of the inscription was made by the author of the present study.

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33. WEITZMANN, Kurt – Das Evangelion Im Skevophylakion Zu Lawra [Seminarium Kondakovianum

VIII]. Praha: Institut Kondakov, 1936, p. 88 (note 22); MINER, Dorothy Eugenia – “The ‘Monastic’

Psalter of the Walters Art Gallery”. in Weitzmann, Kurt (ed.) – Late Classical and Medieval Studies in

honor of Albert Mathias Friend, Jr. Princeton, New Jersey, USA: Princeton University Press, 1955, p.

232 (note 5), p. 243 (note 36); VILLETTE, Jeanne – La résurrection du Christ dans l’art chrétien du Iie au

VIIe siècle. Paris: Henri Laurens, 1957, pp. 16-17, 111; ΠΕΛΕΚΑΝΊΔΗΣ, Στυλιανός – Οι Θησαυροί του

Αγίου Όρους, Σειρά Α

. Εικονογραφημένα Χειρόγραφα, παραστάσεις – επίτιτλα – αρχικά γράμματα, Μ.

Μεγίστης Λαύρας, Μ. Παντοκράτορος, Μ. Δοχειαρίου, Μ. Καρακάλου, Μ. Φιλοθέου, Μ. Αγίου Παύλου, τ. Γ

(Αθήναι: Πατριαρχικό Ίδρυμα Πατερικών Μελετών, Εκδοτική Αθηνών, 1979), pp. 265, 275;

WEITZMANΝ, Kurt – Die Byzantinische Buchmalerei Des 9. Und 10. Jahrhunderts. Wien:

Österreichischen Akademie der Wissenschaften, 1996, pp. 24, 54-57, pl. 352-364; ΧΑΛΚΙΑ, Eυγενία

– Φανταστικά & Απόκοσμα. Ημερολόγιο 2012. Αθήνα: Βυζαντινό και Χριστιανικό Μουσείο Αθηνών,

Υπουργείο Πολιτισμού και Τουρισμού, 2012, p. 67.

34. CARMODY, Francis – Physiologus, The Very Ancient Book of Beasts, Plants and Stones. San

Francisco, California, USA: The Book Club of California, 1953 (English translation with a plethora

of commentaries); STRZYGOWSKI, Josef – Der Bilderkreis Des Griechischen Physiologus, Des Kosmas

Indikopleustes Und Oktateuch: Nach Handschriften Der Bibliothek Zu Smyrna…, pp. 28-30; MERMIER,

Guy – “The Romanian Bestiary: An English Translation and Commentary on the Ancient

Physiologus Tradition”. Mediterranean Studies 13 (2004), pp. 17-55; ZUCKER, Arnaud – Physiologos: le

bestiaire des bestiaries. Grenoble: Editions Jérôme Millon, 2004 (French revised translation with an

abundant modern commentaries).

35. AAVITSLAND, Kristin Bliksrud – Imagining the Human Condition in Medieval Rome: The Cistercian

fresco cycle at Abbazia delle Tre Fontane. Aldershot, UK: Ashgate, 2012, pp. 107-135, with interesting

miniatures and frescoes of the western world (e.g. Italian peninsula), in which we observe many

variations of the parable of the Futile Life (and/or biblical episodes, such as the Crucifixion).

36. For more information about this symbol-iconographical motif in Hebrew-Christian worldview

and general ideology, with partial comparisons from other religious systems through the

presentation of primary sources and related archaeological finds, see indicatively: COOK, Roger –

The tree of title: Image for the cosmos. New York City, New York, USA: Thames and Hudson, 1995;

BUCCI, Giovanna – L'albero Della Vita Nei Mosaici Pavimentali Del Vicino Oriente. Bologna: University

Press, 2001; METTINGER, Tryggve – The Eden Narrative: A Literary and Religio-historical Study of

Genesis 2-3. Winona Lake, Indiana, USA: Eisenbrauns, 2007, mainly. pp. 5-11; ΤΣΙΡΈΛΗ, Ευλαμπία –

Το Ιερό Δέντρο. Οι μύθοι και συμβολισμοί του. Θεσσαλονίκη: Εκδόσεις Δαίδαλος, 2014, mainly pp.

72-121.

37. See references above about the “Tree of Life”.

38. ȘTEFĂNESCU, Ioan – “Le Roman de Barlaam et Ioasaph Illustré en peinture”. Byzantion 7

(1932), pp. 367-368, fasc. 2. The novel has been known in Moldova since the 14

century from the

southern Slavic manuscripts, but they are not illustrated.

39. ΣΩΤΗΡΊΟΥ, Γεώργιος; ΣΩΤΗΡΊΟΥ, Mαρία – Η βασιλική του Αγίου Δημητρίου Θεσσαλονίκης. Αθήναι:

H εν Αθήναις Αρχαιολογική Εταιρεία, 1952, v. 1, pp. 211-212 και v. 2, pl. 81α· ΣΩΤΗΡΊΟΥ, Γεώργιος –

“Η γλυκύτης τού κόσμου”. Ημερολόγιον τής Μεγάλης Ελλάδος 8 (1929), pp. 111-116· ΞΥΓΓΟΠΟΥΛΟΣ,

Ανδρέας – Σχεδίασμα ιστορίας της θρησκευτικής ζωγραφικής…, pp. 71-72; ΜΠΑΚΙΡΤΖΉΣ, Χαράλαμπος –

Η βασιλική του Αγίου Δημητρίου. Θεσσαλονίκη: Εταιρεία Μακεδονικών Σπουδών, 1972, p. 64·

ΚΑΖΑΜΊΑ, Μαρία – Μνημειακή Τοπογραφία της Χριστιανικής Θεσσαλονίκης…, p. 316; ΣΑΜΠΑΝΊΚΟΥ,

Εύη – Η εικονογράφηση της σκηνής του Μαινόμενου Μονοκέρωτος…, pp. 137-138, p. 152, fig. 9 – sk. 2.

40. ΣΩΤΗΡΊΟΥ, Γεώργιος; ΣΩΤΗΡΊΟΥ, Mαρία – Η βασιλική του Αγίου Δημητρίου…, pp. 211-212.

41. NERSESSIAN, Sirarpie der – L' illustration du roman…, v. 1, p. 67.

42. NERSESSIAN, Sirarpie der – L' illustration du roman…, v. 1, p. 67.

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43. MUÑOZ, Antonio – “Le representazioni alle goriche della vita nell’artebizantina”. L’Arte VII

(1904), pp. 130-145.

RESUMOS

The parable of the Futile Life, which is an excerpt of the medieval, multilingual novel Barlaam and

Josaphat, conceals a unique interpretative approach, in terms of symbolism, of an ancient and

intercultural mythological symbol, that of the unicorn. From a first examination of the cultural

environment – textual and iconographical – of the unicorn’s appearance, it would seem that the

symbolic substance of this animal motif was imbued with the notions of the high virtues of the

Christian ideological system (e.g. virginity, purity, salvation). However, the parabolic narrative of

the Futile Life reveals another aspect. This is the aspect of the inward cruel power that drives a

man to the wrong choice, preventing him from finding the proper spiritual way out to save

himself after his physical death in the vanity world in which he lives transiently. Probably, the

beauty of a unicorn now symbolizes something not so pure. Indeed, the story of the Futile Life is

transformed into one of the most common iconographic themes in monumental Christian

painting, and, at the same time, it raises reasonable concerns while seeking adequate

explanations. So, through a list of relevant examples of monumental and miniature art, we will

look for the beginnings of the two aspects of this ancient symbol, with an emphasis on the

parable under examination, offering a new perspective on the semiotic analysis of Antiquity

during the Middle Ages.

A parábola da Vida Fútil, que constitui uma parte do romance medieval multilíngue Barlaão e

Josafat, esconde uma abordagem interpretativa única, em termos de simbolismo, de um símbolo

mitológico antigo e intercultural, o do unicórnio. Um primeiro exame do ambiente cultural –

textual e iconográfico – da aparência do unicórnio dá a entender que a substância simbólica deste

motivo animal terá sido imbuída de noções decorrentes das altas virtudes do sistema ideológico

cristão (por exemplo, virgindade, pureza e salvação). No entanto, a narrativa parabólica da Vida

Fútil revela outro aspecto. Trata-se do poder interior cruel que leva o homem à escolha errada,

impedindo-o de encontrar o caminho espiritual adequado para salvar-se após a sua morte física

no mundo de vaidade em que vive temporariamente. Provavelmente, a beleza do unicórnio

simboliza agora algo que já não é tão puro. Na verdade, a história da Vida Fútil tornou-se num dos

temas iconográficos mais comuns da pintura cristã monumental, incluindo a presença do

unicórnio, o que levanta, ao mesmo tempo, preocupações razoáveis e a necessidade de

explicações adequadas. Assim, através de uma lista de exemplos relevantes de arte monumental e

em miniatura, procuraremos identificar o início dos dois aspectos deste antigo símbolo, com

ênfase para a parábola estudada, oferecendo uma nova perspetiva sobre a análise semiótica da

Antiguidade durante a Idade Média.

ÍNDICE

Keywords: Barlaam, Josaphat, Futile Life, Fantastic Animals, Unicorn

Palavras-chave: Barlaão, Josafat, Vida Fútil, Animais Fantásticos, Unicórnio

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AUTOR

GEORGIOS ORFANIDIS

Aristotle University of Thessaloniki (A.U.Th.), Faculty of Theology, Department of Theology 541

24, Thessaloniki, Greece. [email protected]. https://orcid.org/0000-0001-5047-1044

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